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Opinion: The real reason some Californians want to recall Gov. Gavin Newsom




Newsom has marked this is the “Republican record” and tried to link the effort to former President Donald Trump, as well as “anti-mask and anti-vax extremists.” But this brand is deeply misleading. Proponents of the withdrawal say more than a third of the signatures gathered came from registered Democrats or people who expressed no party preference.

Most importantly, the problems driving the recovery effort have little to do with partisanship. Voters do not want to remind Newsom of its stances on climate change, racial relations or cultural issues. In contrast, much of the public disaffection has its roots in Newsom’s mismanagement and mismanagement during the Covid-19 pandemic.

And the effort to remember him came to life when Newsom did the incomprehensible decision attending an elegant dinner with lobbyists at a Napa Valley restaurant, in violation of their own orientation to Californians to avoid meetings and stay home. (He later called the decision a “mistake”).
Remembering the attempts of California politicians is nothing new. Every year, there are multiple attempts to remove local officials, state legislators, and, yes, even governors. Newsom himself noted this week that has been the goal six attempts at recovery since he took office in 2019. But remember they are rarely classified for voting, therefore, something is different this time.
The most visible sign of Newsom’s poor response to the pandemic is the many public schools across California that remain closed to face-to-face learning. One analysis revealed that by mid-February, approximately 80% of California students were enrolled in districts that only offer distance learning.
Governors of other states, including the progressive state of Massachusetts (where Republican Gov. Charlie Baker has ordered all K-8 schools to return to full and face-to-face instruction in April), have used executive authority or the pulpit for the full reopening of their public schools. Meanwhile, Newsom has tried to have both ways in reopening the school, arguing on the one hand that it is doing everything it can and, on the other, trying to accommodate the demands of its the greatest political benefactor, the California Teachers Association.
Last year, Newsom gave to local officials the ability to overcome additional requirements before children can enter classrooms. Faced with the threat of a withdrawal, he has supported a weak one school reopening plan this does not even set clear parameters of how many hours or days a face-to-face instruction should offer at school.
Newsom has also been the subject of fire for the decisions it has taken in relation to the economic shutdowns in the state, which were came to opaque and without reference to the specific data that supposedly grounded them. In some cases last year, companies they were obliged to close only days after reopening. More recently, decisions were made in late January to abruptly reopen the economy blinded even leaders of his own party in the state legislature, who were warned in advance or without notice that the rules were changing.
More recently, the distribution of Covid-19 vaccines in California appears to have been mismanaged, despite that of Newsom claim that the state has the “most robust vaccination program in America.” According to data from the Centers for Disease Control in the United States, California is delayed from the national average in the proportion of doses of Covid-19 vaccine used – in fact, only eight states plus the District of Columbia are worse off.
The rules are constantly changing about who can get vaccinated and when. For example, the state initially gave priority to some essential workers (such as public transport and at airports), along with the homeless and imprisoned, and then switched to an age-based system in late gener. abruptly restore these categories of workers last week. And the state vaccination website, My turn, which was designed to facilitate registration technical challenges which have made it unusable for many.
Finally, and perhaps most blatantly, has been the mismanagement of the state’s unemployment insurance program during the pandemic under Newsom. Under its supervision, the Department of Employment Development (EDD), which administers the program, initially suspended requirements to verify the initial and permanent eligibility of the program. The agency he admitted which paid about $ 11 billion in fraudulent claims between March and December 2020, with another $ 20 billion in claims that were “potentially” fraudulent. He got so bad that a scammer (and former EDD employee) pretending to be California Sen. Dianne Feinstein received $ 21,000 in benefits.
Worse, many who need financial help are still waiting. The show clashed huge delays while EDD tried to clean up its fraud problem in late 2020, and there they still are more than a million claims pending.

Newsom may argue that this recovery effort is a partisan “power game,” but that claim is an affront to the millions of Californians who have experienced their poor leadership during the pandemic. While advocates of the retreat have an upward rise in the effort to remove him from office, they have garnered Newsom’s attention. This sets the stage for 2021 to be the most policy-filled year in California since the last time the Golden State governor was successfully remembered 18 years ago.